For the Bharatiya Janata Party, the “kamal” (lotus) is not just another flower in the political pond but its most distinct badge of identity. But in November 2013, ahead of the 2014 general elections, the party wrote to the Election Commission asking for a change. The lotus would remain but the traditional saffron colour would give way to a black and white line diagram. The party’s brand managers felt that the new design would be more visible on an electronic voting machine. The makeover was shaped by the party’s prime ministerial candidate, who now wore the newly designed symbol on his waist-coat at every rally and function. In 2014, Narendra Damodardas Modi was not just a putative PM in waiting, he was the CEO and chief marketing officer of BJP Inc: every little detail of the election campaign, right down to the colour of the party symbol, would be micro managed and identified with the persona of a man who believed his time had come.
The transformation of Modi from a dyed-in-the-wool RSS pracharak to the most aggressive political campaigner in Indian electoral history is a remarkable story of ruthless ambition co-existing with unbridled personal conviction. Modi, after all, had fought his first election only in February 2002 at the age of 52.Until then, he was always the man in the shadows, the strategist but never the star, the ideologue but not the hero, the choreographer but never the lead performer. In the BJP gen-next constellation, he was never placed by the pundits in the first row of successors to the Atal-Advani duo.
In fact, his initial track record as an election organiser was decidedly spotty. While he had contributed to the BJP’s breakthrough win in Gujarat in 1995, the party itself had been badly splintered and Modi was accused of inciting factionalism. He was sent as general secretary to Himachal Pradesh and Haryana, where again he faced similar accusations. And then, from near oblivion, he was sent to Gujarat in October 2001 to revive a party that was in danger of squandering its mandate. The pracharak was now chief minister even without having ever fought an election. The next 12 months would change his life forever.
The 2002 Gujarat riots gave Modi the identity he craved for in a crowded political marketplace: he was now a Hindutva hero, someone who had unflinchingly questioned and fought the secular-liberal establishment. The blood of those who died in the violence would haunt him, his critics would see him as an anti-Muslim villain practising communal politics, but he rather adroitly turned adversity into opportunity. Projecting himself as a victim of a conspiracy, he identified himself with the notion of Gujarati asmita or self-respect. He was no longer just the chief minister, he was ‘Gujarat ka sher’(the lion of Gujarat), someone who would fight to restore the state’s pride. The sub-text was a consolidation of the Hindu vote, but the parallel messaging was of a no-nonsense, muscular leader who would fight the ‘enemy’(the enemy could be the Pakistan-based terrorist, the criminal in the neighbourhood, or even the English language media). The “chappan ki chhati” (56 inch chest) machismo narrative would stay with him through his future campaigns: a vote for the BJP was a vote for the powerful persona of Narendra Modi. Personality-driven politics would shape his campaigning style.
The Congress did not quite know how to respond to this vigorous new challenger. Modi’s “take no prisoners” rumbustious approach unnerved the relatively polite world of Indian politics. In the 2007 election campaign in Gujarat, Sonia Gandhi hit back by calling Modi a maut ka saudagar or merchant of death. It was a mistake: it gave the challenger an opportunity to position himself once again as a “victim”, as an “outsider” who was being targeted by the dynastical old elite of Lutyensland. This “outsider” image would again become a recurrent theme in the rise of Modi: when Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyar dismissively described him as a “chaiwallah” or tea boy ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Modi wore his humble origins as a badge of honour. “Yes, I am a chaiwallah’s son, not the child of privilege and family surname,” he thundered.
For an India in the midst of rapid demographic change, urbanisation and social mobility, Modi’s ascent typified the rise of a new, aspirational class, one that did not wish to be chained by birth, but was desperate to break the shackles of their roots. The great economic transformation of 1991 had created a generation of Indians for whom wealth creation and economic mobility became the fundamental markers of the good life, even as their licence-permit era parents and grandparents ambitions may have centred on government jobs and basic needs. This new consumerist Indian wanted efficiency, good services, and yes, a smartphone as a symbol of affluence. Culturally, this unrestrained consumerism spurred a return to a nationalism born from anxieties over the pace of westernisation. In a sense, India found itself at a unique historical moment where urban consumer culture sat alongside nationalism and a desire to see India as a first world economy: it was a moment which created the ideal conditions for a Modi-like phenomenon.
The man from Gujarat was, arguably, the first Indian leader to realise the dramatic impact these changes would have on electoral politics in the country. Between 2002 and 2007, Modi was the natural heir to the title of Hindu Hriday Samrat, a sharply polarising figure as a result of his controversial role during the riots. Post 2007, Modi slowly began to project himself as a governance icon, as a more unifying figure and a leader who would create the necessary economic conditions for the rise of what he described as the “neo-middle class”. Modi’s original Hindutva plank would now have an ally: Moditva was the new calling card that would appeal to a young, restless India in the crucial 18 to 35 age group that was tiring of old slogans, political corruption and the slow rate of growth.
A series of well-choreographed events like the Vibrant Gujarat conclave were created with the sole aim of building Modi’s business-friendly image. The Nano car factory moved from Bengal to Gujarat in 2008, a move that boosted the chief minister’s stature further. Gujarat’s successful power generation programme, Jyotigram, became another tick mark on the CV. By 2010, Modi was ready to take his ambitions soaring well beyond Gujarat. As luck would have it, this was the very moment when the Manmohan Singh-led UPA-2 government was beginning to unravel.
“Modi was simply at the right place at the right time with the right message,” is how the UPA’s finance minister P. Chidambaram described Modi’s 2014 electoral victory. Five years of static growth (with global factors being a contributor), high inflation and mounting corruption had pushed the country into a slough of despondency. When prime minister Singh in 2013 remarked “money doesn’t grow on trees” he was reflecting the pessimistic mood. Dr Singh was the faceless bureaucrat, an accidental prime minister, who was indecisive and uncommunicative. Rahul Gandhi was the cotton-wooled young dynast who was making no headway: he was simply flitting from one issue to another without taking any major responsibility.
Enter the charismatic orator Modi into this mire of negativism with his promise of acche din or “good days”. The master of the one-liner, Brand Modi was seen to radiate a positive energy: “Bahut hui mehngai kee maar, abki baar Modi sarkar” was one of the early catchlines of his 2014 campaign, as was “Brashtachar se bura haal, abki baar Modi sarkar”. The aim was clear: to position Modi in a presidential-style race as a leader who would rid the country of inflation and corruption, the twin monsters that had angered most Indians. The traditional Hindu nationalists in any case would vote for Modi; the crucial incremental vote would come from those who were desperate for change. In 2014, Modi became the ultimate change agent of the BJP’s Mission 272 by promising “vikas” or development with his ‘Gujarat model’.
And yet, what started off as a ripple became a tidal wave because Team Modi magnified the impact of change with what is best described as a 360 degree campaign. In cricket, AB De Villiers is seen as the world’s first 360 degree cricketer, a reference to his unique ability to score in every corner of the field. Modi is perhaps India’s first 360 degree politician, not missing out on any vote-gathering tactic. In the build-up to the 2014 elections, Team Modi conducted the most exhaustive surveys in the history of Indian elections, mapping the voters right down to the booth level. An intense social media campaign across Facebook and Twitter was targeted at the younger, tech-friendly voter. Mobile technology was used to widen the BJP’s volunteer base. 3D imagery was used as a “shock and awe” tactic. Every speech of Modi was made available in multi-media formats. With Amit Shah in charge, RSS workers fanned out to every mohalla, especially in the decisive state of Uttar Pradesh. In the last crucial seven weeks of the campaign, Modi addressed as many as 185 rallies spread across 295 constituencies: it was almost as if he was riding on an inexhaustible juggernaut.
The juggernaut has sputtered in 2015 with defeats in Bihar and Delhi, proving that every election formula has its limitations. The rising expectations created by the scale of the 2014 victory has led to a measure of disillusionment when promises are not met. The “outsider” is now a part of the establishment, allowing the opposition to take the occasional swipe at the “suit-boot ki sarkar”. Whether Team Modi can replicate its success and push ahead with its stated goal of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’ is uncertain. What is more certain is that the nature of the election combat has changed forever: presidential-style leadership contests now have to be fought with an ever-increasing intensity, not just in the maidan, but across media platforms too. Why even old style Mandal generation leaders like Nitish Kumar and Lalu Yadav now have teams to handle their Twitter accounts.
As for Modi, he remains a divisive figure. His supporters see him as a doer and an efficient karmayogi who puts in 18-hour work days; his critics view him as a fascist, authoritarian figure who will balkanise society. What is true though is that even in government, Modi is still on the campaign treadmill, still the political CEO who wants to set the pace. He may have achieved the ultimate prize of being prime minister, but make no mistake, the “Gujarat ka Sher” is hungry for more.
Subscribe to India Today Magazine
Why did Digambar Kamat dump Congress in Goa? 'Because God...'
Robin Uthappa retires from all forms of Indian cricket
Jacqueline Fernandez quizzed for 8 hrs in Rs 200-crore scam, cops find loopholes in statements
Complaint against Ajay, Sidharth for hurting religious sentiments in Thank God
Jacqueline Fernandez appears before Delhi Police in Rs 200 crore extortion case linked to conman Sukesh
India, not Hindia': Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin slams Amit Shah; 2 minor Dalit girls found hanging in UP; more
Cheetah reintroduction in India after 70 years: How will they be transported from Namibia to India?
Can't bear this bloody thing: King Charles loses his cool over leaking pen
Ayushmann Khurrana: The king of Hatke Cinema
Apple iPhone 14, iPhone 14 Plus, iPhone 14 Pro launched - price, features and other details
Jacqueline Fernandez appears before Delhi Police in Rs 200 crore extortion case linked to conman Sukesh
2 minor Dalit girls found hanging in UP; 'India, not Hindia': Tamil Nadu CM MK Stalin to Amit Shah; more
Copyright © 2022 Living Media India Limited. For reprint rights: Syndications Today
Add IndiaToday to Home Screen